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Who are the real terrorists in Indonesia?
Indonesia is a dangerous place these days. While the tragic bomb blast in Bali on 12th October provides the focus for much discussion, there are lower profile but equally sinister forms of terror taking place throughout the archipelago. The western half of New Guinea is no exception. Previously known as Irian Jaya and now known as Papua or West Papua, this Melanesian island lives in constant fear and intimidation.
Some 3,000 Laskar Jihad or Jihad warriors have infiltrated the predominantly Christian region in recent years. Their aim is to engage in a "holy war" to ensure Indonesia becomes a single unitary state under the name of Islam. Meanwhile an extra 4,000 Indonesian troops have been located in Papua in the past few months and the military are now engaged in training an East Timorese style militia called Satgas Merah Putih.
Indonesian special services forces (Kopassus) are also active in Papua and there is evidence indicating they were involved in the December 2001 assassination of the Papuan leader, Theys Eluay. There is also evidence indicating Kopassus were involved in the ambush and killing of three Freeport mine workers (one Indonesian and two Americans) last September. Other key Papuan leaders are also being eliminated and a number have been poisoned to death recently. Meanwhile human rights advocates and church leaders live under the constant threat of death.
Regular reports are being received concerning the activity of clandestine figures popularly known as "ninjas" (because they wear black masks) who systematically terrorise the Papuan community, target key people and murder them. Reports also indicate that offers of 5 million Rupiah (approximately $A.1,000) are being made to burn down a church or a mosque. Offers of 50 million Rupiah ($A,10,000) are being made for the assassination of a pastor or a priest and offers are even being made if body parts can be produced. Other reports indicate that the period 1st to 10th December will be particularly violent time in Papua.
This is gruesome stuff and the picture gets worse considering 100,000 people have already died since 1961 in the long struggle for freedom in Papua. Operasi Adil Matoa is a current campaign being carried out by Indonesian security forces to target Papuan organisations with the intention of labeling them as terrorist threats. These are organisations who are seeking to defend human rights and promote self determination for the people of Papua.
The Secretary of the indigenous Papuan Presidium has been singled out. A Papuan Muslim, Thaha Mohammad Alhamid is being labeled as an Al Qaeda sympathiser. Meanwhile there has been an attempt to implicate the Papuan
resistance or OPM in the murder of the Freeport workers while John Rumbiak, Supervisor of the Institute for Human Rights Advocacy and Study, together with Rev Herman Awom, Vice Moderator of the Evangelical Christian Church and a president of the presidium, have no doubts they are marked men.
A significant player here is Major General Mahadin Simbolon. Known for his ruthless support for militia terror in East Timor during 1999, Simbolon is now commander of the military in Papua. One could argue that the die is cast for further terror as Simbolon wages a nasty war against the Papuan people.
The trouble is not confined to Papua. Across Indonesia there has been an ongoing campaign of terror taking place for many years. Bombs have been detonated in the Jakarta Stock Exchange, the Philippine Embassy and dozens of churches in Java and Sumatra. Fierce sectarian violence has been provoked in Poso (Central Sulawesi) and Ambon (Maluku Islands). Thousands have died as a result of this terror.
Many relate these events to the volatile, uncertain political situation where a series of weak, erratic presidents has provided a vacuum enabling this kind of behaviour to emerge. A more current view says radical Islam is taking hold. The Islamic Defenders Front and the more well known Jemaah Islamiah are seen to be key elements here.
The role of Islam in Indonesia cannot be ignored and there has always been a struggle going on between extremists and moderates. Mainstream organisations including Nahatul Ulama (with a membership of 40 million) and Muhamadiyah (a membership of 30 million) represent an overwhelming moderate majority however one cannot ignore the fact that key people including Vice President Hamzah Haz and parliamentary chairperson Amien Rais have been courting the interests of some Muslim extremists.
The Bali bomb blast has put the spotlight very much on these Islamic extremists. The detention of Jemaah Islamiah leader, Abu Bakar Bashir, the implementation of new anti-terrorist legislation in Jakarta and rising international interest (particularly from Canberra) in supporting Indonesia's counter-terrorist forces, the notorious Kopassus, bears witness to this case.
It would be unwise if any understanding of the situation in Indonesia today stopped with Abu Bakar Bashir and other Muslim extremists. The Indonesian military cannot be overlooked. Over the past few years this powerful institution has lost a lot a ground in a nation where it has always been in charge. The military's behaviour in East Timor was extremely bad and the events of 1999 and East Timor's independence in May this year seriously damaged their image. Through a process of reform and democatisation, the military's political role in
Indonesia is now being further eroded while recent initiatives have also seen the break up of the armed forces into separate commands (police and army).
The police are now maintained under civilian control and the military or TNI remain under the control of defence. Indonesia's police carry responsibility for internal security however they are under-resourced and lack training. The reality is that the police now operate under the envious, resentful eye of the military. Yet it is the military who have always maintained internal security and have acted to preserve national stability. Addressing any external threat has been a secondary role.
Indonesian's military has a long history of courting local organisations, building alliances, co-ordinating activities and resourcing many different groups who conveniently go on to serve military interests. Some sixty six per cent of Indonesia's military income comes from TNI business activities while the remaining one third comes out of government coffers. Such a scenario means the military is engaged in all sorts of questionable networks involving corruption, extortion and shadowy business deals. The truth of the matter is that the military will do virtually anything to protect their position of privilege and preserve their former glory. Indeed, all kinds of services have been received through alliances built by the military with persons or groups who can be paid off, have grudges to settle or simply have a thirst for violence.
Hence militia groups such as those established in East Timor are being created, trained and resourced by the Indonesian military. In the past, military interests did deals with radical Islamic groups including Darul Islam while the terrible purge involving the deaths of hundreds of thousands of leftist sympathisers in 1965-66 was instigated by Muslim militias who were trained and supported by the military. In his final years of rule, General Suharto made an attempt to court Islamic hard liners in a vain attempt to prop up his ailing regime.
It's therefore probable that the military is again involved in the chain of violent events taking place in Indonesia today. Their aim is to create trouble, instigate chaos and generate a climate of fear that will ultimately see the collapse of the reform process and a return military rule. The rationale here says Indonesia cannot survive, peace cannot be maintained and security cannot be assured without a tough pro-military regime back in power in Jakarta.
A key factor here is a focus on the terrorist threat. In Papua, Operasi Adil Matora seeks to play on this fear. Indigenous Papuan activists and human rights advocates are being framed. They are being characterised as "terrorists" while the same game is being played out in Aceh. Here efforts are being made to label local people as Islamic terrorists when they are actually indigenous Muslim activists who, like their Papuan Christian counterparts, simply seek justice, peace and a future for their community.
My great fear is that the West will warm to this kind of rhetoric. President Megawati Sukarnoputri has already introduced new anti-terrorist regulations that provide security forces with extended powers. The United States is offering all sorts of financial incentives to encourage Jakarta to reinforce security and get tough on terrorism. Meanwhile the Australian government, through the Minister for Defence, Robert Hill, is suggesting the notorious Kopassus should be aided and supported because of their "effective" counter terrorist capabilities. The military has much to gain here.
No-one can deny the evil that is taking place in Indonesia today however questions have to be asked. Much is at stake here. Terrorism is alive and well in Indonesia. But who are the real terrorists?
World attention remains focussed on Bali and the terrible suffering that took place in Kuta, Yet our brothers and sisters in Papua and Aceh are being targeted and eliminated. Terrorism and the actions of terrorists are real however the players are not found among those indigenous communities who struggle for justice and peace. These people are not terrorists and its wrong to use them as pawns in an ugly game.
We rightly mourn and grieve the terrible losses in Bali. Our great and near neighbour, Indonesia, lives in dangerous times. Yet the question remains. Who are the real terrorists and what are they seeking to achieve? What are they seeking to do and where will they take Indonesia? Whatever happens, let us not make the mistake of aiding and abetting a return to the years of ruthless military rule. Too many lives have been lost under this banner, both in the past and in the present. Too many lives will be lost in the future.
Rev John Barr Unity and International Mission Uniting Church in Australia National Assembly PO Box A2266 Sydney South 1235 Australia
7th November 2002 |
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